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Resource Devastation on Native American Lands: Toxic Earth, Poisoned People 3031218957, 9783031218958
Table of contents : Guest editorial, Feb. 24, 2016: Campus guns not an educated move for UA system Sen. Pete Kelly, R-Fairbanks, has introduced Senate Bill 174 that could allow concealed weapons on all University of Alaska campuses. His motive, according to testimony described by The Associated Press, is to counter the increase in national college and university shootings by allowing the student body and faculty to arm themselves. Moreover, Kelly feels that the University Board of Regents prohibition of guns on campus is a violation of Second Amendment rights. The issue, however, is not constitutional. The broader issue is the power of the gun versus alternatives to gun violence. Kelly feels that “gun-free zones” such as universities (the Legislature would also be a gun-free zone) attract the mentally ill to carry out acts of violence because there is no deterrent. The implication is that campus shooters are crazy and just looking for somewhere and someone to randomly shoot. Since campus shootings usually end in suicide, it is difficult to know if this is true. There is evidence that it is not so simple. In 2010, sociologists Rachel Kalish and Michael Kimmel analyzed three school shootings — two at colleges, Virginia Tech and Northern Illinois, the same college shootings cited by Sen. Kelly in his testimony, and the Harris and Klebold shooting at Columbine High School. Kalish and Kimmel found that the shootings had consistent patterns. Prior to 1999, school shootings were largely committed by younger minority males, did not involve a large number killed (because of the weaponry involved) and did not necessarily result in death by suicide of the shooter. An example is the 1997 Bethel High School shooting in which the principal and another student were killed at close range with a shotgun by then-16-year-old Evan Ramsey. Ramsey remains in Spring Creek Correctional Center serving dual life sentences. The shootings Kalish and Kimmel analyzed indicate a different pattern. CHAPTER II: REVIEW OF LITERATURE Native American women are a marginalized group with multiple disadvantages working against them, negatively impacting all aspects of their life including social, economic, and health aspects. As Native American women fight multiple disadvantages, many of them have begun to feel hopeless and have a more negative self-perception and lower level of self-esteem (Aguilar & Nightingale, 1994). A better understanding of how Native American women perceive themselves and what experiences shape their self-perceptions should lead to an increased understanding of how to improve Native American women's self-esteem and improve their overall selfperceptions and self-worth. Guiding Theories Self-categorization theory, social identity theory, and standpoint theory directly tie into the finding that often Native Americans identify with their Tribal Culture more closely than that of their Native heritage (Kopacz & Lee Lawton, 2011). The theories are relevant since the term Native American is about as broad as the continent of North America, reaching across many climates, cultures, and norms. Direct association with one clan or group directly affects a Native American's identity, values, and norms if they live on a reservation or interact with other tribal members on a regular basis. Social identity theory states that individuals categorize themselves based upon their membership in different groups, such as an American teenager, a tribal member, and even a fan of their favorite band (Trepete & Loy 2017). Through this, individuals decide who is in their ingroup, who they belong with due to certain traits such as racial, ethnic, or cultural identity, and who is in their outgroup, those who they do not belong with are, and which group(s) will be their "reference" group (Tajfel, 1978;Tajfel & Turner, 2001). In assessing what groups, they are a part of .
Acknowledgements
Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction
References
Chapter 2: Akwesasne: Land of the Toxic Turtles
References
Chapter 3: The Deadly Yellow Powder
3.1 The Human Price of Uranium among Native American Peoples
3.2 The Scope of Uranium Mining on Native Lands
3.3 Uranium from Russia: An Alarm for U.S. Native Peoples?
3.4 Navajo Uranium Fuels U.S. Arsenal
3.5 Radioactive from the Inside Out
3.6 Opposition to Uranium Mining
3.7 ``Original Instructions,´´ Uranium Mining, and Navajo Cultural Values
3.8 The Largest Uranium Spill in the United States
3.9 The Struggle for Compensation
3.10 Delays in Compensation
3.11 Cleanup Planned at a Few Spill Sites after Three Decades
3.12 ``Nobody Told Us It Was Unsafe´´
3.13 The Laguna Pueblo and Anaconda´s Jackpile Uranium Mine
3.14 A Child Nearly Burns to Death
3.15 Decades of Cleanup Plans
3.16 Dene Decimated by Uranium Mining and the ``Money Rock´´
3.17 ``The Incurable Disease´´
3.18 The Conflict Continues
3.19 Plans to Blast an Alaskan Harbor with Nuclear Bombs
3.20 The Point Hope Eskimos: An Atomic Harbor and a Nuclear Dump as a Neighbor
3.21 Nuclear Boosterism
3.22 An ``Overture to the New Era´´?
3.23 Radiation Tests´ Effects on Eskimos
3.24 Cancer Rates Rise
3.25 The Prairie Island Indian Community and Nuclear Waste
3.26 The Western Shoshone: ``The Most-Bombed Nation of Earth´´
3.27 More Tests on Indian Land
3.28 Washington State´s Yakamas and Hanford´s Radioactive Legacy
3.29 On the Road to Hell, the Most Toxic Lies Go Undisclosed
3.30 The Dene Extend Profound Condolences to the Victims in Hiroshima and Nagasaki
References
Chapter 4: Showers of Pig Feces: A Neighborly Stench
4.1 Money Oinks at the State Capitol
4.2 Wearing the Stench
4.3 A Stench that Smells like a Month-Old Decomposing Human Body
4.4 So Much for Free Speech
4.5 More Health Problems Rela Opinion
Native American Women's Standpoint: Narratives About Identity