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Many Mexican politicians are losing sleep lately pondering an enigma: How is it possible that the most important set of governmental reforms in decades has aroused so much enthusiasm abroad and yet so much rejection in Mexico? How is it that, while the groundbreaking reforms were approved by a two-thirds majority of Congress, ordinary Mexicans affirmed in a poll that they believe their country is moving in the wrong direction?

Some observers have compared the scope of Mexico’s reforms with American legislation to combat monopolies initiated by Theodore Roosevelt early in the 20th century. Roosevelt’s program put formal limits on the ownership of railroads, mines, oil resources, and steel and tobacco production. President Enrique Peña Nieto, in the 21 months he has been in office, has set limits on the state’s longstanding monopoly on the extraction, production and distribution of oil, gas and electricity by permitting private investment; he has diminished the power of the telecommunications giants Telmex and Televisa by opening the door to competition; and he has compelled the huge National Union of Education Workers to accept reforms that prohibit the sale or inheritance of teaching positions and that introduce compulsory exams to evaluate teachers.

For Mr. Peña Nieto and his team of old-guard politicians and young technocrats, these reforms were a top priority, especially as the government risks losing its legislative majority in the interim elections next July. The legislation is all the more significant because it was pushed through as a grand “Pact for Mexico” via a previously unthinkable deal with the major opposition parties. So why is practically no one celebrating the president’s achievement?

One answer lies in the bitter experiences of Mexico’s recent history.

Toward the end of the 1970s, the discovery of huge oil deposits in the Gulf of Mexico led President José López Portillo to promise the Mexican people an “administration of abundance.” A wave o

Vicente Fox

President of Mexico from 2000 to 2006

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In this Spanish name, the first or paternal surname is Fox and the second or maternal family name is Quesada.

Vicente Fox Quesada (Latin American Spanish:[biˈsenteˈfokskeˈsaða]; born 2 July 1942) is a Mexican businessman and politician who served as the 62nd president of Mexico from 2000 to 2006. After campaigning as a right-wing populist, Fox was elected president on the National Action Party (PAN) ticket in the 2000 election. He became the first president not from the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) since 1929, and the first elected from an opposition party since Francisco I. Madero in 1911. Fox won the election with 43 percent of the vote.

As president, Fox continued the neoliberal economic policies his predecessors from the PRI had adopted since the 1980s. The first half of his administration saw a further shift of the federal government to the right, strong relations with the United States and George W. Bush, unsuccessful attempts to introduce a value-added tax to medicines and build an airport in Texcoco, and a diplomatic conflict with Cuban leader Fidel Castro. The murder of human rights lawyer Digna Ochoa in 2001 called into question the Fox administration's commitment to breaking wi

Abstract

Languishing labor market conditions throughout Latin America, along with pull factors in countries such as the United States, point to continued and increased skilled migration from Latin America. The outflow of well-educated Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Peruvians, Venezuelans, Brazilians, and Mexicans in search of better incomes and career opportunities is well noted. Yet, important qualitative differences exist in terms of who does —and, important in this context who does not— emigrate and why? Drawing on interview data with Mexican professionals in Mexico City, in this article I suggest that social network theory is insufficient for understanding skilled migration from Mexico. Focusing on those who stay behind, I offer instead a sociocultural framework, one that emphasizes individuals’ own discursive renderings and that acknowledges that individuals’ decisions not to migrate are rooted in class-based dispositions, cultural beliefs, and social practices.

Key words:

Mexico

skilled migration

migration decision-making process

cultural logic

social class

Resumen

Palabras clave:

México

migración calificada

proceso de toma de decisiones migratorias

lógica cultural

clase social

Full Text

Introduction

Languishing labor market conditions and limitations to the development of research, science, and technology in countries throughout Latin America, as well as the pull factors present in developed countries, especially in the United States, point to the persistence of skilled migration from Latin America (iom, 2009; Martínez Pizarro, n.d.; oecd-undesa, 2013). According to the International Organization for Migration (iom) (2009), Latin America and the Caribbean is the area of the world with the highest relative growth of skilled migrants from 1990 to 2007. In the Andean region alone, the number of skilled migrants soa

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